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In this way, we assist to the emergence of the apocrisarius also responsalis , used to design the envoys usually prominent bishops from the Pope to Constantinople, which used to spend long periods at the imperial court. If it is considered, as already seen, that there was not any professional diplomatic corps, perhaps we might think that anyone could be appointed an envoy. Nothing could be further away from reality. A profound analysis of this point would take me far from my main purpose and I cannot afford it now because of obvious reasons of both length and topic.

Anyway, I shall suggest some issues. First of all, must be considered that, in consonance with that lack of professionalism, diplomatic exchanges and political communication in Antiquity were based in very different principles from those we have nowadays for the contemporary development of international relations.


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Epistulae austrasicae, 19 Theudebert I to Justinian I, c. All dates nearly from c. Carmina XI, I. Chronicon, II, 58; IV, 31, 45, 51, 71, LX, Silverius Obviously, there were significant differences between a provincial embassy and a courtesan one, both in the available resources, candidates, and in the purposes pursued by each type of legation.

But in both cases success would depend considerably on the individual talent and ability to handle in rhetoric and oratory; as well as on previous experience, gained either through the performance of certain missions, either by being member of a particular family which one of its members had previously held these tasks.

That is why one could expect that they were headed by the most prominent individuals of the Byzantine society in general and the Constantinopolitan in particular, acting as the personification of the own emperor. Considering the hypothesis formulated by Andrew Gillett, at least would be five factors, none of which operated in isolation, which could determine the appointment of a palatine official as ambassador: Ius gentium: Having considered some of the main features required to be appointed as an envoy, and concluding that they were, in mostly cases, prominent individuals from the local, provincial or courtesan elites both civil and ecclesiastical ; now will be taken into account the obligations, risks, privileges and status which the envoys enjoyed or suffered, depending on the point of view, and which, definitely, involved the accomplishment of their diplomatic journeys.

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Historia, frag. Chronographia, XVIII, 57 , when Justinian I sends a magistranus to Athalaric in in order to request the dismissal of the claims that can make the envoys of the usurper Gelimer. This could answer, essentially, to two main reasons: In my opinion, according to the written evidences, the second hypothesis is the most feasible.

In fact, the successful development of a diplomatic mission on a foreign court could grant the concession of certain dignities, social promotion and, indeed, a prompting of the social status, the position and even de influence at court itself. The exchange of different kind of presents was an usual, and even, a sacralized stage of the well established and equally rigid protocol. It could take place both during the journey and along the audience. The reasons were varied and multiple, but something common can be observed in nearly all of them: In essence this was fundamental, because without it any form of negotiation between two different entities would have been simply impossible.


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  • They could be very diverse in nature, ranging from food, some clothing, valuable or exotic objects and even women. They were also a considerable form of deterrence and negotiation, and their meaning went far beyond its material value. For more details cfr.


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    The Roman world of Late Antiquity receives this concept from the Classical world, in which Greco-Roman authors explained the free movement of the envoys and other elements of interstate relations by invoking the Roman juridical concept of ius gentium. Originally, this term referred to a series of provisions originated in the early Roman Republic in order to regulate the relations between Roman citizens and foreign traders by specific applications of the Roman law to peregrines throughout the praetor peregrinus. In its long and progressive evolution through centuries, the term lost juridical significance and became part exclusively of the public discourse of state affairs.

    This concept had a sacred nature which was reinforced during the Republic and the early Empire with the strength of the law; so any legate, as the main representative of the Senate, was considered inviolable whether travelling to the provinces or into a foreign territory. Further legal codes, such as lex Julia de vi publica and later Digest made these provisions explicit, but they were unclear on whether the same sanctions could be applied also to foreign ambassadors and provincial representatives. ROSS M. Along this period, foreign envoys sent to the imperial court of Constantinople were given accommodation and maintenance as part of the ritualised rules of friendship and hospitality which involved the development of diplomacy, as seen above.

    The best known cases are those of the papal legates and the Sassanid envoys. Therefore, as visible agents and representatives of a foreign power, either more or less friendly, could be assumed that, just as it happened in Constantinople with the envoys received at the imperial court, they could be subjected to close scrutiny. This could mean that not only those who were appointed as ambassador would enjoy such status and immunity, but also those who shaped his entourage, such as assistants, companions, interpreters, bodyguards and, even, family.

    It was also common this service to be provided by local Christian communities to their brothers along their way and also in the place of destination. I, 87; Adversus ius gentium: It has been considered that envoys were protected by both the power of law and the strength of the custom, which often worked as law itself. Then, it will be considered if this was a punctual or an extended phenomena, the ways in which diplomatic immunity could be broken, its degree and implications of this, a priori, forbidden practice. To value them on the correct context and to observe their recurrence, we have to consider the testimonies of the written sources.

    Along this paper are only considered the evidences concerning to the diplomatic exchanges between the Romans and the various powers of the Mediterranean basin and other surrounding areas, in both directions and of any kind of nature. Accordingly, in all the examples taken into account the Romans are main characters. It must be said that there are further examples attested in the sources in this direction, but, because the Romans are not implicated in them, they will be left for a more suitable occasion.

    Thereby, if we take a quick look over the numbers, it will be noticed that, among the more than a three hundred diplomatic contacts identified along my investigations, there are irregularities regarding the treatment of the envoys Cfr. About the embassy of Isdagusnas on and his stay in Constantinople.

    Although any minimal alteration of the established protocol had implicit very significant messages, some of which could even be interpreted as disrespect against the envoy, and, indeed, against the sending sovereign itself, they were mainly a way of pressure in order to achieve a particular purpose. Regarding the legations which implied any kind of violation of the status of the envoys or other members of their entourage, could be distinguished between those which were suffered by Roman legates on their mission abroad and those inflicted by the Romans to foreign envoys while they were under the authority of the emperor.

    Written sources show us that, several times, Roman envoys were held against their will by their hosts; Kavadh I kidnapped Rufinus, the envoy sent by Anastasius I in the autumn of in order to arrange a truce, and retained him until the fall of Amida. Harsher were those which involved imprisonment and torture, later usually associated with public humiliation, more frequently documented.

    Therefore, during the war of between the Roman and the Sassanid empires, Leontius and Cyrus, envoys of the city of Amida to the great king in , were publicly vexed by their own fellow citizens on their return because of their failure in the negotiation of a peacefully surrender to the Persians; and even the latter could have been banished from the city, as will be considered later. Similarly, Candidus, bishop of Sergiopolis, was retained and tortured by Khosrau I in because of the non-observance of the terms agreed previously between the both sides.

    After a hard discourse of the latter, the khagan ordered to put him into chains and even threatened the envoy with death; but, thanks to the mediation of Elpidius, both were released and went back to Constantinople only dishonored. Although he had previously demonstrated that he was capable of any sort of perversion when in spring imprisoned and humiliated Lilus, the envoy of the usurper Phocas ; in that year, the new emperor Heraclius I met the Persian general Shahin near Chalcedon and the latter invited the emperor to send to his king of kings an embassy, granting the immunity and privileges usually provided to envoys.

    The black lady could come naturally, because of the penalties of the journey or also because of the high age of the envoys. The latter case can be observed, for example, in the spring of , when Kavadh I and Anastasius I reopened the peace negotiations and Celer, the Magister, is anew entrusted with the mission of specifying the terms of the truce.

    Then, the Persian envoy, the Spahbed, son of Glones, sends back to the emperor the hostages that the king of kings held after the downfall of Amida, including the body of Olympus, who had deceased previously on diplomatic mission. This case is particularly understable because is well attested by other sources i. Chronicon Paschale, a. Sometimes it could be avoided, as the emperor Heraclius I did in June of , when he was gathered with the khagan at Heraclea and the latter, surprisingly, drew his sword and tried to kill the emperor, who had to flee quickly back to Constantinople; but others was inescapable, as when the Misimians killed on two occasions the envoys sent by Justinian I.

    The first who suffered this was Soteric, sent to them in with his own sons, Filagrius and Romulus, with the aim of collect the taxes. The former, who had previously mistreated the Misimians envoys, was murdered by them in response of his foolishness.

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    It is also well attested that the Romans recurred to this forbidden and contrary to law praxis in several times and, also, in a wider variety. In this way, although bribery was a quite usual practice, indeed a well- established one, within the Roman diplomacy, rejection of such an offer was unusual and even dangerous; as we see in the case of the papal envoys Ennodius, Peregrinus and Pulius, who in spring-summer of were sent to Constantinople intending to finish with the known as Acacian schism.

    When they were in presence of the emperor Anastasius I, and their proposals were presented to him, the emperor, firmly defender of the Monophysite heresy, rejected them and tried to bribe the papal envoys in an attempt to buy the peace with the Pope Hormisdas in his own terms. However, the envoys rejected the bribe. Then, the emperor, moved by anger, publicly dishonored them by expelling from the court and sent them, under escort, back to Rome in a ship, forbidding them to stop in any port.

    Only when the emperor achieved the papal support to their doctrinal view in released him and allowed him to go back to Rome; but Vigilius would never reach the Eternal city, because he deceased in the journey back in June of the same year, in Sicily. For example, the same Justinian I withheld the Avar legates at the imperial court in the summer of because he had become aware that the embassy was an excuse and, meanwhile, the khagan was planning an invasion.

    This gesture, obviously, did not please the khagan, but There is much controversy about the date of this event. Instead of the killing of the emperor, the Khagan retained much men from the own retinue of the emperor, together with the imperial baggage.

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    Liber Pontificalis, Sometimes, as it happened with their Roman counterparts, it could be happily avoided, as the great king Kavadh I did itself in September , when Areobindus, Roman commander of Edessa, was not able to kill him in an interview they both had at the walls of the city; or as Paulus, envoy of Khosrau I to the city of Antioch, did in the summer of , when he miraculously escaped from the furious antiochenes after saying to them the conditions for a peaceful surrender.

    For example, in , John, a papal legate, was murdered by the mob in his own house at Thessalonica, together with his entourage, by the instigation of the local bishop Dorotheus, contrary to the sign of the dispositions agreed between the new emperor Justin I and the pope Hormisdas with the intention to finish with the Acacian schism.

    Once there, one of the servants of Evantius killed a tradesman, and when the Prefect of the city had notice of this, ordered to put them under guard and to investigate the crime; but the garrison of the city killed all of them except Gripo, who, after having clarified this matter with the Prefect, was sent to Constantinople in order to fulfill his duty. There, the emperor promised to the frank to investigate the crime according to the judgment of Childebert II himself.

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